Blueprints: a mini exhibition

blueprint |ˈblo͞oˌprint|
noun
a design plan or other technical drawing.
• something that acts as a plan, model, or template: a vague blueprint for fundamental land redistribution.
verb [ with obj. ]
draw up (a plan or model): (as adj. blueprinted) : a neatly blueprinted scheme.
ORIGIN late 19th cent.: from the original process in which prints were composed of white lines on a blue ground or of blue lines on a white ground.

Alfred Infrared with Jimmy “Lens”-لا يعنيني

الحقيقة التي أكتشفها أنني لا يعنيني الأمر من قريب أو بعيد؛ لا تعنيني السيادة الوطنية ولا النصر الإلهي ولا الهوية القومية أو الطائفية ولا الحق في تقرير المصير، ولا تعنيني العقائد التي تجعل الناس أغبياء ومملين وتبرر المظالم والمجازر، سماوية أكانت هذه العقائد أو أرضية. الذي يعنيني – والذي شاركت في “الثورة” من أجله وارتددت عنها من أجله أيضاً – شيء أبسط وأعقد في الوقت نفسه هو وجود مساحة آمنة نسبياً من الناحية المادية وخطيرة نسبياً من الناحية المعنوية تمكنني من ممارسة الاتصال الإنساني بما تستلزمه المعرفة من إبداع ومن ثم التطور: خلق علاقات وأشياء لم تكن موجودة من قبل (وهو ما فعلته الديانات والثورات كلها لحظة بزوغها أو هكذا نفترض). لن يفرق على الإطلاق تحت أي مسمى، بأي انتماء قسري أو لون بشرة أو افتراضات ثقافية أو حتى بأي لغة تتوفر هذه المساحة

Nine Poems in English, Illustrated

Out of the blue, which is occasionally a beautiful blue, a reader of Kitab at Tughra gave me an unexpected and very dear gift: nine of my poems in English, beautifully translated. By way of gratitude and to celebrate, I spent the evening making black and white, square format pictures with the poems at the back of my mind – with the intention of producing one picture for each poem. I think of Sargon Boulus as, truly moved, I post these texts with thanks and acknowledgements to qisasukhra

***

The Angel of Death gives counsel to a bereaved parent

 

Barely a minute and you tread with dimmed eyes:

Is your patience exhausted in a minute?

Listen,

There is nothing in all the universe that will show you mercy

Nothing that will halt the saw’s stroke through your bones.

Sit a while

And do not tax me,

Don’t make your misfortune a plea to me

When you know

That I am under orders:

I bear on my shoulders Earth’s lamentations

A thousand times redoubled.

Do not assume that I possess the meaning of anything,

For when blood stains the asphalt

I see a dark blotch, nothing more,

Though I feel all that’s felt by you plus

All those like you.

I’m the one who keeps you company, moment by moment,

Unable to delight in your delight

Because I know your pain entire,

Even in your moments of acutest pleasure.

All I can promise you now

Is that when you look

You shall not find a trace of the dead one in the bed

And as a supplementary service from me,

You shall not find a bed in the room,

Indeed, there’ll be no room there,

And you will stand with nothing before you,

Nothing at all,

And all I ask in return?

Remember

That life is nothing but waiting for me,

Me, who grinds hearts utterly,

Not for a single moment spared

The sound of their beat.

 

 

Alexandria

 

For Mohab Nasr

All these years my friend

As though we’re here by mistake

Waiting until the roads clear

To drive unlicensed trucks

And face the border guards

With forced laughter and cash.

We dream of places that were they found

We’d be no good for, my friend,

Forced to mix with the statues

To swap their talk with them

To be jammed in among them

With frozen limbs, looking and not seeing,

Our heads bowed down at home

We excuse ourselves from going to the quarries

That we might try reproducing in secret,

Mourning our endangered line.

All these years plucking up the courage

To declare we are not statues

And then collapse in pieces from their plinths,

Dead with flattened heads,

With eyes bulging out like mother-of-pearl,

With holes in our bones.

How is it, my friend, after all these years

All we can utter is croaking?

 

The Angel (A god who renounced his faith)

 

You asked me what I would like to be in your eyes,

I said: God.

For a time I granted you favours and punished you.

Were you fleeing my grief, when you failed to tell me

That you had a cuckold Lord bestowing gifts upon you all the while?

How you could not accept my seal stamped on your brow

When you were so set on veneration?

And did you think creating you was such a little thing?

Son of a bitch,

Why let me plow when you meant to burn the fields?

 

 

The Angel (Your picture)

 

Sleep now, as though you’d never in your life occupied a frame,

As though your hands had never set even this picture in a frame,

As though they had not arranged cuttings that float

In an inch of water which you made a sea.

Not your crooked leg among the runners

Nor your teeth clamped on the shoulder that carries you,

Nor a victim, naturally: You’ve never in your life been a victim.

Sleep, despising those you call “coherent”,

Believing that your feet tread a path you forged.

Don’t for one moment ask about the handful of dust

You are wont to throw in the faces of those that call you to account,

Staggered by the abuse; how vulgar it was.

Forget that your air is not your own, that you breathe

With an army of respirators, that you

Are like the moneymen: every step calculated.

You are a beast in your strength; you’re in demand…

Your contemporaries really are spiteful: you are resplendent with tragedy

A pioneering presence on every screen.

Sleep and hug, like the downy pillow, the certainty

That you’re the genius, alone in a society of retards.

Pay no mind to the frame you put around your picture

Nor that once you thought it ugly. Pay no mind

To the fact your picture was ugly, ugly

Enough—once you’d framed it—to burn.

 

 

Coffee on the way back from the airport

 

When the light blinded us, I said to you: Morning’s taken us by storm

And you were muttering, your eye to the glass.

You said: The day’s come much quicker than I expected.

You said: Here is bad, but there is worse;

No. Here is worse than there.

You said: Although I… Although she… Although all these things…

I’m optimistic, then noticed that your coffee

Was no longer crowned with steam.

You were muttering, like I was a mirror or tape recorder,

Just an old container

That traversed the distance with you

Your eye to the glass, from which the night departed

With sudden harshness.

In the 24-hour café:

Another departure hall? The seats on their heads

Legs in the air and your strained face giving out

The same feel as the empty furniture,

The furniture they flip to wash the floor.

You were exactly like the airport:

You did not want to be up at this hour

Where the chairs are flipped and the officers yawn, disgruntled

As they stamp the passports.

You said: How do places get smaller!

You said: How many stamps and visas in my passport?

How many meaningful journeys?

You said: Perhaps life’s more fun south of the equator.

This is how you were muttering when the light blinded us.

I said to you: Morning’s taken us by surprise it seems

And you said: The day’s come quicker than I expected,

Much quicker than I expected.

 

 

A homicide

 

This heavy lamp with the tapered rim

Like a medieval instrument of torture.

Have you seen it squatting innocently between our beds?

(Thus spoke my friend who is staying with me in the room

Where the sea sounds like cars on the Corniche

And in the weave of the blanket I’m sleeping on

The memory of a lifetime spent between Cairo and Alexandria

On the rails.)

I will wait until sleep overtakes you (he went on)

Then raise it high in the air above your head

(And I tried remembering

Why it was we had to take the last train

After nights of unjustified sleeplessness

So that no sooner did we reach our room

Than each lay down on his bed

And there was nothing in the world to warrant waking.)

I’ll wait until sleep overtakes you (he repeated)

And screaming the scream of a suicide bomber on the brink of the deed

Will relieve my hand of the lamp’s weight, over your head.

 

 

Stallion

 

For Ahmed Yamaani

 

A little before dawn I come out of the 24-hour café looking for a newspaper stand where I might find the magazine with my picture in it. I walk a long way through the pitch-dark streets and pass kiosks whose occupants I question, but I don’t find what I want. No one’s with me at the café: I left my laptop open on the table and in my bag hanging from the back of the chair are my house-keys and ID card. Even so, when a white taxi stops for me I get in next to the driver straight away and he drives the car down streets ablaze as if with daylight, though it’s nothing but the orange street lights that have proliferated to a terrifying extent. An hour or more goes by with neither of us speaking, then he stops in a place not pitch-black or ablaze and when I hand him the fare he opens his zipper and takes out his erect black cock. As though I had returned to the 24-hour café, I find myself in the midst of a group of young people, huddled in sixes or sevens around cars from which comes trance music, either talking to one another or standing silent. I feel they’re my friends, or that I’m one of them, but I’m surprised that we’re all males—not a girl or woman among us—and I recall that I haven’t seen a single woman, not in the café, not in the street, not even in my imagination. Then I catch sight of my bag, which has my house-keys and ID in it, on the shoulder of a munaqqaba who’s striding along on the other side of the street and the corner of the laptop’s poking out of the bag’s opening. I try catching up with the munaqqaba but she gets into a white taxi that stops for her and takes off and where I expect to see my picture in the magazine I find a picture of a naked girl who in no time is lying on the café’s table sighing, caressing my forehead, her cunt growing wet, as she says: “Isn’t it awful to be a man in this town?”

 

The claim

 

My thinnest girlfriends always complain

Of gaining weight, which confuses me

When I think of fat girls.

But then I remember

That I’ve never suffered from loving my lover,

Except when it provides a good excuse to leave her,

And I reflect that things are less important

Than they seem, if we look at them

Long-term,

Which eases my terror a little.

So I say to myself that the world is really like this:

The thin fear fat,

The fat love food,

Lovers never suffer for the right reasons

And everything does not ride

On everything.

 

Love (Marriage)

 

But you did not endure all this only to hear the terrible rap of a door closing and know how much you yearn to hide the thing before you, the awful thing that you don’t want to see. At this point, that which gives the world meaning becomes just part of the world, terror takes its own life and the same story ends or begins.

***

Poems by Youssef Rakha

Translations by qisasukhra.wordpress.com (The text may vary slightly on qisasukhra, but there is no such thing as a final draft)

Late-night coffee-قهوة منتصف الليل

النادي الأهلي مساء العيد

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

قصيدة جديدة: ما أطول الزراعي

ما أطول “الزراعي”

دون أن نصوم (في العشر الأواخر) تركنا طنطا عبر شارع البورصة

قلنا منطقة تجارية أكيد فاضية—نصف ساعة زحف وسط أكداس المتسوقين

عرق البروليتاريا يمطرنا والسيارة تخرم عجين اللحمة واللحى والقماش

وعيون المتخمين لِتَوّهِم تطالعنا بكراهية الرعاع لنبلاء الباستيل

ظلمات ترشيد الكهرباء ونحن خندق محفور في المدافن نصرةً لإخوتنا في غزة

دعك من أن غزة الآن أبعد من أنتاركتيكا والإخوة نفسهم يسبون الدين

من هنا حتى قويسنا بهائم الأسفلت بالكاد تتفادى الحفاة والحمير وهكذا

؎

على هذه الأرض – جارية الأرض – لا شيء يستحق الحياة

أم العائشين أم الميتين تصدّرين القفا للصفع أملاً في لقمة طرية

وسواء أتغير لفظه أو استمر ضمن الذل المستحب يظل اسمك مسبة

؎

تخوم قليوب تبشر بالوصول لم يعلمنا أحد بأي عَطَلَة في السكة

كان قتلة المتظاهرين – الأهالي – سدوا الطريق مرة أخرى احتجاجاً

وبينما نلتحق بصف الهاربين إلى المدقات الجانبية حيث الفجاج والحجارة

تذكرتُ كيف قلبنا الدنيا بالرقاد على التراب ولأنهم يقتلوننا صدقنا أننا نضحي

لغاية ما تحقق مطلبنا العبيط رجعنا بيوتنا ليحلّوا محلنا هم نفسهم

وهكذا مكّنا العصابة الأولى من تسليم البضاعة للعصابة الثانية حين متنا

بلا كبير جهد تغوطنا اللحظة اعتلينا النخلة وأغوتنا العينان الخلابتان ولكن

؎

كيف لعينيك أن تكونا غابتي نخيل وهما على هذا القدر من البجاحة

وكل عام لا يعشب الثرى ولا نجوع ما مر عام وجعنا بما يكفي لنسعى

نحن الغربان تشبع والجراد يعوي على تطلعات ستبقى أسطورية

؎

كانت المدقات مشرشرة بالحفر والمياه مركبات صناعية معطلة في العتمة

موكب مناوري الهايواي مثل ثعبان خرافي طالع نازل فوق جرف

ورغم وجود متفرجين من أهل المصانع على الجانبين فكرتُ أننا في مجاهل

هذا الذي نخوض فيه ببطء فيل كليم هو ما أزحنا عنه الحجر يوم ثرنا

خندق نبلنا محفوف بالأهالي رعاع حاقدون ومحتجون قتلة ولا باستيل

هل كانت الشعوب تثور دائماً قبل أن تتوفر لها الخدمات الأساسية

بلا طريق لا يعترضه المحرومون من الكهرباء هل نعمل ثورة أم نمثّل فالآن

؎

احترق المسرح من أركانه للمرة الألف لكنكم أنتم يا حبيبي الممثلون

لم تكن فلسطين لكم لأنكم أولاد قحبة من قبل أن تفقدوها

لم تصلحوا لشيء إلا التجول بين صفوف المتفرجين لتنادوا: كاكولا-بيبس

؎

الرحلة تستغرق ساعة خمس ساعات حتى يلوح “المحور” مخضّباً بالمشاة

وكأنه عذاب القبر نعيش من أول وجديد عاماً ونصف أو عامين من إحباطاتنا

فقدنا الأمل ليس في الثورة فقط ولكن في المستقبل أيضاً في النشطاء السياسيين

ولا عزاء للمدفونين حولنا لراشفي الشاي على شط هذه البركة للعميان بفعل فاعل

لا عزاء لنا نحن أيضاً يوم نقتل أو نُحتَجَز ها هنا في المجاري الرطبة نستنبح

حتى الغضب يتفثأ حيث حر الليل وأخبار انهيار محدّق في الركن الخلفي للدماغ

كل التفاصيل التي يناقشها الأصدقاء تغدو ذباباً يئز ويغبّش البربريز فعلاً

؎

الناس في بلادي جارحون ولكن كعقارب غير سامة ليس عندهم غناء

حشرات منزلية في مطابخ الإنسان يعملون أي شيء من أجل قبضتي نقود

وطيبون في التسول أغبياء في إيمانهم بأن القَدَر فقط وساخة القرون

قصيدة المقهى أو الفحولة

إلى أحمد يماني

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

قبل الفجر بقليل أخرج من المقهى المفتوح أربعاً وعشرين ساعة بحثاً عن نصبة جرائد لعلني أجد المجلة التي فيها صورتي. أمشي طويلاً في شوارع دامسة وأمر بأكشاك أسأل القائمين عليها لكنني لا أعثر على ما أريد. ليس معي أحد في المقهى: تركت اللابتوب مفتوحاً على الطاولة وفي حقيبتي المعلّقة على ظهر المقعد من أمامه مفتاح البيت وبطاقة هويتي. ومع ذلك عندما يقف لي تاكسي أبيض أركب جنب السائق على الفور ويقود السيارة في شوارع مشتعلة كأنما بضوء النهار لكنه ليس سوى عواميد النور البرتقالية وقد زادت كثافتها بصورة فظيعة. تمر ساعة أو أكثر ونحن صامتان ثم يتوقف في مكان ليس دامساً وليس مشتعلاً وعندما أناوله الأجرة يفتح سستة بنطلونه ويُخرج عضوه الأسود المنتصب. وكأنني عدت إلى حيث المقهى المفتوح أربعاً وعشرين ساعة أجدني وسط جماعة من الشباب الذين يتحلقون كل ستة أو سبعة حول سيارة تطلع منها موسيقى “ترانس” ويتكلمون فيما بينهم أو يقفون صامتين. أحس أنهم أصدقائي أو أنني واحد منهم لكنني أستغرب من أننا كلنا ذكور ولا فتاة أو امرأة بيننا وأتذكر أنني لم أر امرأة واحدة لا في المقهى ولا في الشارع ولا حتى في خيالي. ثم ألمح حقيبتي التي فيها مفتاح البيت والبطاقة على كتف واحدة منقّبة تمد الخطى على الجانب الآخر من الطريق وطرف اللابتوب بائن من فتحة الحقيبة. أحاول أن ألحق بالمنقبة لكنها تدخل في تاكسي أبيض يقف لها وينطلق وحيث أتوقع أن أرى صورتي في المجلة أجد صورة فتاة عارية سرعان ما تظهر راقدة على طاولة المقهى تتنهد مملّسة على جبيني ويبتل مهبلها وهي تقول: أليس شيئاً كريهاً أن تكون رجلاً في هذه المدينة؟

Best 25 Instagrams and 2 Quotes

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

There is no intensity of love or feeling that does not involve the risk of crippling hurt. It is a duty to take this risk, to love and feel without defense or reserve.
Political conflicts are merely surface manifestations. If conflicts arise you may be sure that certain powers intend to keep this conflict under operation since they hope to profit from the situation. To concern yourself with surface political conflicts is to make the mistake of the bull in the ring, you are charging the cloth. That is what politics is for, to teach you the cloth. Just as the bullfighter teaches the bull, teaches him to follow, obey the cloth.
― William S. Burroughs

The menace of resistance

wpid-img_3037-2012-07-2-22-00.jpg

Youssef Rakha, Islamophobe


.

Youssef Rakha thinks about the Brotherhood, the military and the modern state

A long time ago — it must have been 2000 — I was briefly in trouble at work for apparently belittling the achievement of Hezbollah against Israel in an article I had written.
The censure came from a left-wing, thoroughly secular editor; and I wasn’t particularly distressed to have to redraft the paragraphs in question. Perhaps, I thought, I had let my Islamophobia get the better of me. (I should point out that, though steadfastly agnostic, I am still Muslim, as eclectically proud of my heritage as any post-Enlightenment individual can reasonably be; so my self-acknowledged Islamophobia refers neither to the religion nor the historical identity but specifically to the far more recent phenomenon — perhaps I may be allowed to say “catastrophe” — of political Islam.) I was to realise that much of the Arab left’s respect for Hezbollah centred on the concept of resistance and, especially, its perceived triumph over a materially superior power, independently of a quasi-commonwealth of incompletely constructed modern states whose majority’s compromised position had rendered it an ineffective rival to “the Zionist entity”.
In the same context though perhaps not from the same time, I remember having mixed feelings about a Moroccan activist in a demonstration on Al Jazeera crying out repeatedly, “I am secular, but I support the Islamic resistance in Lebanon.”
Admittedly, when I wrote that article, what bothered me the most about Hezbollah was its underlying (theocratic) totalitarianism, not its armed struggle per se. But since then, over many years in which I have been exposed to much more historical-political material as well as experiencing regional and local developments first hand — and without losing any of my contempt for Israel or the postcolonial order that sustains it, for which my being an Arab or a Muslim is by no means necessary — I have come to see very major issues with the concept of resistance itself: so much so that, like Jihadism, it sometimes seems to me one of the postcolonial world powers’ less visible instruments.
Notwithstanding how Hezbollah has renounced the moral high ground by supporting Bashar Al Assad’s regime in Syria — one of the few supposedly uncompromised states whose “resistance” status has allowed it to practice genocide against its own citizens with impunity since the 1980s while in no way improving its situation vis-a-vis Israel — it is of course less about the Arab-Israeli conflict that I am thinking than the confluence of the left (socialist, Arab nationalist or “Nasserist”) and political Islam in the aftermath of January-February 2011 in Egypt: the Arab Spring. I am thinking about how that confluence, perhaps more than any other factor, has emptied “revolution” of any possible import. To what extent did the theory and practice of resistance in what has probably been the most important of the compromised Arab states lead to the perpetuation of both military hegemony and systematic deprivation of basic rights and freedoms, including freedom of belief?
***
The current “transfer of power” to the Muslim Brotherhood is not happening as a result of the protests and sacrifices that made regime change possible over 18 months ago. It is not happening against the will of the postcolonial world order. It is happening as a result of West-blessed, SCAF-mediated “democratic” politicising — facilitated precisely by standing in ideological and practical opposition to the former status quo (an advantage the more or less liberal, as opposed to Islamist, protesters who staged “the revolution” never had).
Unlike agents of the modern state but like Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, Islamists led by the Muslim Brotherhood have helped to provide citizens with services, garnered their tribal loyalty by encouraging their conservatism and fed them an identity-based discourse of heroism, piety or renaissance. Preying on their raw emotions, they have also given them material rewards in return for their votes.
Now, contrary to what the left has been preaching since the start of the presidential elections, the “transfer of power” at hand will keep all the military’s unlawful privileges intact: the enormous military economy will continue to operate unscathed; crimes against humanity committed in the last 18 months will go unpunished; “revolutionaries” who have been subject to military trial will neither be re-tried nor released without high-profile intervention, etc. At the same time, while other beneficiaries of institutionalised corruption may change, the security and judicial apparatus that sustains it will not.
Thus resistance: somewhere in the collective imagination, irrespective of historical fact, the Muslim Brotherhood is not the capitalist, scheming, dictatorial, corrupt and abusive entity that the Mubarak regime was. It is a force of resistance. Never mind that it is sectarian, misogynistic, totalitarian, irrational and just as postcolonially compromised (hence just as capitalist, scheming etc.): as the de facto custodian of a religion and a culture it has only actually acted to humiliate, the Brotherhood is seen as an alternative, in exactly the same way as Hezbollah was seen as an alternative, to the failed state. What is either not seen or purposely overlooked is that the alternative’s existence depends on the failure of the state and modernity, which to one degree or another political Islam has always encouraged or helped to perpetuate.
So, while Islamophobia in the West is fear of the physically violent monster secretly created to combat communism during the Cold War, my own Islamphobia is fear of the morally violent monster covertly spawned by the failure of the postcolonial nation state and increasingly integrated into the world order at the expense not of Western (or communist) lives but of Muslim minds and souls. My Islamophobia is in fact a profoundly Muslim response to “revolution”.
***
Yet it is resistance as a concept that seems to hold the key. Not that the Muslim Brotherhood has used the term recently, but it is written into the proposed political formulation of a collective and supposedly efficacious identity that that identity should be against something.
What is required for this is not that the orientation in question should actually be against anything in practice, whether that thing is the world order, Israel or institutionalised corruption in the Egyptian state. It is interesting to note that, while their raison d’être is to be a distinct moral improvement on the corrupt, compromised political status quo, the Muslim Brothers, whether in parliament or beyond, have so far replicated the Mubarak regime’s conduct and mores, from pledging alliance to Washington and guaranteeing Israel’s security to monopolising and abusing power (the Freedom and Justice Party being, in effect, the “Islamic” variation on the now dissolved National Democratic Party).
What is required, rather, is that the resisting entity should espouse a certain degree of (moral if not physical) violence, drawing on both a totalitarian sense of identity and a paranoid conviction of victimhood. This is not to deny that the Muslim Brotherhood had been subject to persecution since its foundation in 1928; it is to say that, in the absence of any holistic vision even for the future of Islam (one that would crucially include ways to eliminate rather than perpetuate those anachronistic and obstructive aspects of the faith that alienate Muslims from the modern world and prevent them from contributing to human civilisation), the victimisation of the Muslim Brotherhood can only mean a justification for getting their own back — not actually changing anything for the majority of Egyptians.
Without any aspiration to reform, let alone revolution, and while they continue to provide cover for less sophisticated Islamists, the Brothers can only remain aspiring Mubaraks.
Even more fascinating, however, is the way in which the apparent triumph of the opposition embodied by the Muslim Brotherhood has automatically resulted in the opposition embodied by the left giving up all that it supposedly stands for in order to be in the seemingly right camp— an ideological paradox resolved with relative ease once what the left actually has in common with political Islam is identified: totalitarian identity, contempt for the modern state, paranoid victimhood, bias for the (class) underdog and, most importantly of all, the resistance imperative.
***
Egypt’s recent variation on the confluence of the left with political Islam is particularly ludicrous in that, while what the left supported the Muslim Brotherhood in order to resist was SCAF, it was arguably SCAF that brought the Muslim Brotherhood to power. It occurs to me now that, taking this into account, Islamophobia should really also be understood as opposition to the military — a fight on which the left was willing to give up when it allied itself with the Islamists.

(c) Youssef Rakha

15 New Instagrams, Me Talking about Maps, and 2 Quotes

 

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

 

Whenever the intensity of looking reaches a certain degree, one becomes aware of an equally intense energy coming towards one through the appearance of whatever it is one is scrutinizing.

*

I can’t tell you what art does and how it does it, but I know that art has often judged the judges, pleaded revenge to the innocent and shown to the future what the past has suffered, so that it has never been forgotten.
I know too that the powerful fear art, whatever its form, when it does this, and that amongst the people such art sometimes runs like a rumour and a legend because it makes sense of what life’s brutalities cannot, a sense that unites us, for it is inseparable from a justice at last. Art, when it functions like this, becomes a meeting-place of the invisible, the irreducible, the enduring, guts and honour.

- John Berger

 

Invisible Cities-مدن خفية

Alexandria-قصيدة

(download if you like)

إلى مهاب نصر

كل هذه السنين يا صاحبي
وكأننا هنا عن طريق الخطأ
ننتظر حتى تَفرغ الشوارع
لنقود مركبات غير مرخّصة
ونواجه جنود المعابر
بالضحكة الصفراء والنقود
نحلم بأماكن ولو وُجدت
نحن لا ننفع لها يا صاحبي
مضطرين أن نخالط التماثيل
أن نبادلهم حديثهم
أن نندس وسطهم
بأطراف مجمّدة ننظر ولا نرى
وبرؤوس منكّسة في بيوتنا
نعتذر عن ارتياد المحاجر
لنجرّب التكاثر سراً
ونبكي سلالتنا المهدّدة
كل هذه السنين حتى نجرؤ
على إعلان أننا لسنا تماثيل
لنسقط مقطوعين على قواعدهم
ميتين برؤوس مفلطحة
بعيون معصورة كالمحار
بثقوب في عظامنا
كيف يا صاحبي كل هذه السنين
ومازالنا لا نُخرج سوى حشرجة

GREEN-أسئلة الثورة

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

بالنسبة للي بيقولوا البلد حتنضف رغم أنف مش عارف مين، طيب هي لو البلد نضفت حيفضل إيه؟ بجد يعني: هل اللي بيحبوا “الوطنية” و”الإسلام” مستعدين يواجهوا حقيقة إن الحاجتين دول ما ينفعش ينفصلوا عن وساخة البلد؟ أو إنهم هما شخصياً – المثقفين، المناضلين، الدعاة، الناشطين وغيرهم من أصحاب الحناجر – أكل عيشهم أصلاً في استمرار الوساخة؟ هل فيه أي احتمال إننا بدل ما نبقى بنتكلم عن زعيم دكر ودين عظيم ووطن اللهم صلي ع النبي، نبتدي نتكلم عن حقوق وحريات وإنجازات ليها معايير موضوعية؟ ولا إحنا فعلاً محتاجين الوساخة عشان نحس إننا نضاف كأفراد بس الظروف هي اللي مش مساعدانا؟

مين سلم الحكم للمجلس العسكري بناء على قرار مبارك؟
مين انتخب ولسه مستعد ينتخب إخوان وسلفيين؟
مين رافع صورة الزعيم أو خياله على هيئة ناس كان بيمولها صدام والقذافي أو ناس عبيطة/بتستعبط بتكلمه عن حقوق العمال والفلاحين في بلد لا فيها صناعة ولا زراعة وفي عصر ما بعد العولمة الرأسمالية؟
مين عنده الشجاعة/البجاحة إنه يتحمل مسئولية الحكم “الإسلامي” نتيجة رفضه للمجلس العسكري؟
مين اللي وثني وكافر في عقايده: “اللي عارفين ربنا” ولا “العلمانيين”؟

LIPS.2-قصيدة

(download if you like)

الادعاء

أنحف صديقاتي دائماً ما تشكو
من زيادة الوزن، الأمر الذي يحيرني
حين أفكر في السمينات
لكنني أرجع أتذكر
أنني لا أتعذب في عشق عشيقتي
إلا ليكون عندي حجة مناسبة لهجرها
وأفكر أن الأشياء أقل أهمية
مما تبدو، إذا ما نظرنا إليها
على المدى الطويل
الأمر الذي يهدّئ من روعي قليلاً
فأقول لنفسي إن الدنيا هكذا بالفعل:
النحاف يخافون السمنة
والسمان يحبون الطعام
العشاق لا يتعذبون للأسباب الصحيحة
وكل شيء لا يركب
على كل شيء

The Colours of Places – ألوان الأماكن

This slideshow requires JavaScript.